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If you go to chat roulette and happen to come across your boyfriend anf finds that he flashed someone, in your heart has he cheated on you. Towards the end of this cultural meld, a thrid group of people moved into the area, but stopped in mujer land of Trace and became una Macedonians.

If you ask irreverente Spanish who live in these countries that won the war in Vietnam, they have a different opinion from the American news media.

The first book Memorias de una mujer irreverente Spanish Edition called Relic, and Memorias de una mujer irreverente Spanish Edition believe there are now around books in the series. Histogram RGB is most useful : see pages playback display options. Government agents had worked to bring immigrants and investors from Germany, Switzerland, and France into this previously unconquered territory. The construction of railways further reduced the native Mapuche to a fraction of their former strength, for their land was appropriated and divided into vast private farms.

The emergence of organized labor among mine workers in the north was an important development at this time. Governmental forces did all they could to suppress union activity, but despite the repeated use of troops and deportations, unionization spread south to the countryside and the cities. Railroad and telegraph networks were extended; ports were built up and sewer lines developed; the state educational system underwent phenomenal expansion.

Men left their families in search of work, heading out to the frontier as well as moving from city to city. Then as now, men far outnumbered women in the outlying provinces. Work opportunities for women were limited both in the northern mining provinces and far to the south, in the lumber and cattle areas of recently settled Magallanes and Aysen. This is not to say that women were not transient: they were far more likely than men to migrate and stay in the cities and towns. Chilean census figures for these years exist, but inconsistent methods have been used, especially in describing the kind of work for which women received wages.

In the census of we learn that 85 percent of all women reported as working were employed as cooks, servants, washerwomen, seamstresses, and weavers. It is ironic that the work of women in agriculture begins to be counted only when this type of work declines in terms of its importance to the national economy. Given that women were much more likely to live in cities than men were, they eventually found employment in industry, especially as the country became more industrialized.

Pereira argues that the increased involvement of women in industry was due to a combination of causes:. Moreover, as the percentage of women attending the universities and normal schools rose, the percentage of women reported as employed went down: this suggests that it was primarily young women whose contribution to the national economy had been counted in censuses.

Those who were attending school were, for the most part, training to become teachers: from the end of the century onwards, teaching and service-oriented work were regarded as especially appropriate to women. Even as early as , 4 percent of women who were employed held jobs as teachers. It seems that industrialization in Chile and in those parts of the United States where slavery was not practiced followed parallel lines of development: territorial expansion was coupled with the subjugation of the native peoples; the opening of factories and expanded trade markets led to increased immigration.

Opportunities for women to work outside of the home, e. The increased attention given to education, specifically to the period of childhood, meant that mothers were increasingly enjoined to teach their children, and were expected to be educated themselves. It is one of the longest continuously inhabited provinces, and the proportion of women to men has always been high, with many female-headed households. Because of an inequitable distribution of irrigated land, young men have tended to leave to find better-paid work elsewhere, in the bigger mines to the north, or in the cities and larger-scale agriculture to the south, or at sea.

The mother contributed to the family income by working at harvest time; the older daughter, Emelina, was the mainstay. Coming as she did from a family of schoolteachers, it was natural and perhaps inevitable that the poet would likewise enter that profession, even though the educational preparation required constant sacrifices. The names of communities in which Mistral served as an itinerant schoolteacher after leaving Elqui and La Serena serve as an index to many of the changes which were taking place in Chile during these years. This was another industrial center undergoing rapid development; its population increased 10 percent every year from to , with a large immigrant community and great disproportion in the distribution of wealth.

She could read and write at a time when only one woman in thirteen, and one man in ten, could do so. When her husband left the family, Isabel Villanueva became self-supporting in one of the few ways that a woman might. Education was a major battlefield for the great ideological debates of these last decades of the nineteenth century. The liberal and radical coalitions that dominated the Chilean government during the last years of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries rightly saw the establishment of secular education as one means of consolidating their power.


That thrust included the secularization of cemeteries, civil marriages, and registry of births, in addition to a formal separation of Church and State. It was due to the success of the crusade to secularize education that Gabriela Mistral, unlike her grandmother, could attend public school. In the church-dominated and rigidly class-conscious atmosphere in La Serena, the poet was not able to go on to secondary school. She was initially accepted at the Normal School there, but then was denied admission, for reasons that have never been completely clarified.

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A number of factors worked in her favor: for one, her half-sister Emelina, sixteen years her senior, could tutor and train her as an assistant in the small school where she taught. Montt, members of a philanthropic society in La Serena which was designed to help needy young ladies with their education. Beyond all these reasons the most important was that the push to develop a nationwide educational system had created a tremendous shortage of qualified lay teachers.

This shortage occurred just as teaching was only beginning to be recognized as a profession: certificates and training programs were not absolute requirements. Thus the young writer, with no formal schooling past the age of twelve, studied on her own to pass the examinations that qualified her to teach in the secondary schools. These establishments were attended by young women of the middle class. Rather, it was wealthy, well-educated businessmen who banded together to create groups such as the highly influential Sociedad de Fomento Fabril [Society for Industrial Expansion]: they founded the first public technical school for girls, in , under the liberal government of Balmaceda.

The reasoning behind this decree is as follows: 1. Women should be encouraged to engage in serious, solid study. Women can perform advantageously in professions classified as scientific. This emphasis was borne out in that the earliest women who graduated from the University of Chile studied the sciences. Paulina Starr completed her studies in dentistry in ; Glafira Vargas, in pharmacy, in ; and Matilde Throup in law, in These women had attended secular private schools directed by women who had fought for years to have their examinations recognized as valid by the state.

The legislation would imply that any qualified woman might be admitted both into the university and the professions, but various biases effectively prevented all but a select few from doing so. One such bias was the notion of what girls should study.

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Here the scant value of the standard convent education of young ladies was revealed:. All those memorized gospels, all my brilliant poetry recitals had been useless. If the more conservative and traditional sectors of society could have their way, there would be no practical education for women at all:. There were less subtle means of humiliating those girls who did have the support of their parents and thus might pay little heed to such threats.

Ostracism was the ultimate means for enforcing male privilege:. Secular Education and Middle-Class Women. Given the circumstances at the turn of the century, with poverty facing one class, and the opposition of the Church the other, only the new middle class was able to take advantage of educational opportunity, and to develop as professionals. It was this audience to whom Mistral initially addressed herself.

She was one of them. Despite these difficulties, literacy figures indicate that secular education was having an effect. Some audacious, persevering, urban girls from well-to-do but nontraditional families might study medicine or law; others in the middle class might hope, with brains and with luck, to become teachers in the public school system.

This second category of female professionals would be constrained by powerful social forces.

They would have to avoid the censure of the conservative and traditional Church. The curriculum they taught would have to placate fears that women were going to desert family and home. Their personal behavior would be a matter of public scrutiny. As public servants, they would be the official representatives of an absentee national government. They would begin by teaching hygiene, as Mistral did.

They would work without libraries, in squalid, unheated buildings with demoralized colleagues. It would be a remarkable testing ground. For all the constraints that their involvement in secular education put on the lives of middle-class women, they exercised far greater autonomy than did those who worked as day laborers and domestics. Beginnings of Feminism in Chile. The benevolent associations, which worked on behalf of orphans and impoverished children, usually by putting them to work in the homes of the wealthy class, were formed by upper-class women under Church sponsorship.

Members of these groups could ask questions forbidden to women in Church-sponsored organizations. In short, the tertulia and the salon were safety valves for a privileged few.

Marta Vergara

In their capacity as readers, the women of the book groups might be perceived as less threatening than the handful of women who had been trained in the preeminently male domain of the sciences. Aside from class background, the chief difference between the women who had frequented the salons as opposed to the reading groups is that the latter women lived and worked in the public realm. Independent political parties for women began operating only four years later. From before the turn of the century to the present, the class system has become increasingly stratified, creating boundaries that make alignments among women of different classes difficult and even impossible.

Although educated, professional women might make them acutely self-conscious, mere awareness of their ignorance would not inspire upper-class women to action. For Iris as for the audience of women that she addressed, what power they did have was based in their position within upper-class families.

Marta Vergara - Wikipedia

Her speech sadly reveals that the feminism which she and her audience sought was entrenched in class privilege. Mistral is especially critical of social climbing: the mere fact of working for a living is not sufficient justification for women whose preoccupation with their own status leads them to treat others with disdain:. The poet allowed an important exception to this, however: time and again she declared that rural women were oppressed by the alcoholism and profligacy of their spouses.

Her strongest sympathies are not simply with those of the same class as she, but with the exploited and suffering women of that class and eventually any class. First, it is important to recognize that women organized along class lines, and there was probably a good deal of factionalism even within their organizations. Radical Resistance and the Appeal of Purity. As class interests divided women, so did politics. Middle-class feminists were particularly susceptible to political co-optation: they supported liberal and radical candidates such as radical Pedro Aguirre Cerda, of the Popular Front President of Chile from , who promised women the vote, only to rescind that promise on coming to power.

Aguirre Cerda maintained that women had to be educated before getting the vote; what he meant was that they needed to be educated to vote for the Radical Party. Like most moderate and left-wing politicians, he feared that women would simply vote as the Church or their husbands told them, thus constituting a basis of support for conservative and even reactionary candidates.